The administration of George W. Bush has repeatedly sought to increase the power of the executive branch and to free it from judicial and / or Congressional oversight. Two decisions issued by federal appellate courts yesterday, Padilla v. Hanft and United States v. Scott, are great examples of such attempts, even though they address the issue in different contexts. In Padilla (laws of war), broad executive power is reaffrimed, while in Scott (Fourth Amendment), it is appropriately circumscribed.
PADILLA V. HANFT
In Padilla, the Fourth Circuit concludes that Congressional Authorization for Use of Military Force Joint Resolution ("AUMF") permits the President to designate an American citizen captured on American soil as "enemy combatant" and to detain him militarily. Taking a cue from the plurality opinion in Hamdi v. Rumsfield (which held that an American citizen that joined enemy forces and was captured on a field of battle could be so detained), the court concludes that same reasoning applies to Padilla, who was arrested in Chicago airport with a "dirty bomb." (UPDATE: according to an article in today's New York Times, the government has now backed away from the "dirty bomb" allegations and is only charging Padilla with planning to use gas lines to destroy apartment buildings.)
Two things should give one great pause when reading the Fourth Circuit opinion. First, the court brushes aside any distinction between a person captured on a field of battle and a person arrested on American soil. However, it is far from clear to me that the plularity in Hamdi would automatically equate the two situations (I note that the district court judge in Padilla was of the same opinion). The plurality describes Hamdi as raising a very narrow set of circumstances. Moreover,the following passage indicates that the plurality ascribed more importance to the location of the capture than the Fourth Circuit was willing to admit:
"Further, Justice Scalia largely ignores the context of this case: a United States citizen captured in a foreign combat zone. Justice Scalia refers to only one case involving this factual scenario--a case in which a United States citizen-POW (a member of the Italian army) from World War II was seized on the battlefield in Sicily and then held in the United States. The court in that case held that the military detention of that United States citizen was lawful. See In re Territo, 156 F. 2d, at 148."
Also, by equating those captured on and off the field of battle, the court ignores one important distinction that underpinned the plurality opinion in Hamdi - the likelihood of an enemy combatant returning to take up arms against the United States. When one is captured here, there are sufficient means within the civilian criminal justice system to prevent those individuals from returning to the field of battle.
Finally, in re-reading Hamdi, one cannot help but conclude that Scalia & Stevens' dissent is far better reasoned than the plurality on the issue of the "enemy combatant" detention. The Constitution allows for only two options in case of an American citizen: a prosecution for treason in the criminal justice system or a military trial after proper legislative suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. The President has no constitutional power to suspend the "great writ" and the AUMF lacks specificity to authorize suspension of the writ. Thus, the plurality's approach amounts to "Al Qaeda" exception to the Constitution.
For those further interested in this topic, I recommend a series of articles in the last issue of the Legal Affairs magazine.
UNITED STATES V. SCOTT
In this case, the two-judge majority (Kozinski and William Fletcher) invalidates a search conducted pursuant to a waiver of the Fourth Amendment rights obtained by the State of Nevada from a pretrial releasee in exchange for an OR release. The majority concludes that while the government can prescribe reasonable conditions for releasing someone on bail or own recognizance, there are constitutional limits on on the government's power to impose such conditions:
"The unconstitutional conditions doctrine [citation] limits the government's ability to exact waivers of rights as a condition of benefits, even when those benefits are fully discretionary. Government is monopoly provider of countless services, notably law enforcement, and we live in an age when government influence and control are pervasive in many aspects of our daily lives. Giving the government free rein to grant conditional benefits creates the risk that the government will abuse its power by attaching strings stragecially, striking lopsided deals and gradually eroding constitutional protections."
In an era when our individual liberties are constantly eroding, Judge Kozinski's words are, indeed, refreshing.
The "Bush" view in this case is reflected by Judge Bybee's dissent. The most troubling aspect of that dissent is Judge Bybee's willingness to equate the rights of pretrial detainees with those of probationers, parolees, and those convicted of crimes on release pending sentencing. Judge Bybee brushes aside the presumption of innocence by labeling it as only a trial right affecting the burden of proof. Essentially, according to Judge Bybee, once the government has accused an individual of a crime, he can be treated like a convict. This position echoes the Bush Administration's position in the laws of war cases: "trust us, these are really bad guys, they have no rights. Once we say they are bad guys, the courts and Congress need not worry about it."
As a concluding remark, I note that Judge Kozinski is a Reagan appointee. That fact alone should tell one how far have we traveled down the road of eroding our constitutional liberties.
Thanks to Howard Bashman at How Appealing for posting the news about these rulings.